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The State and Its 'Balancing Acts'


Lattars

Lattars

The State and Its ‘Balancing Acts’

O
nce again, Gujarat was in the centre of communal controversy over the demolition of the dargâh of the Sufi saint Hazrat Rasheeduddin Chishti. Going by the religion of Hazrat Rasheeduddin, the dargâh is certainly coterminous with the Muslim religious identity. Naturally enough, it reminds one of the demolition of the Babri masjid in 1992, but the difference lies in the fact that, whereas the Babri masjid was demolished by frenzied kar sevaks while the Uttar Pradesh government looked on, the demolition of the dargâh in Vadodara was carried out by the Vadodara Municipal Corporation – a significant institution of local governance. Moreover, a civic official justified the demolition by calling it a “balancing act” since many Hindu temples encroaching upon public space had also been demolished.

Such responses from institutions created to uphold good governance and civic laws in society certainly raise doubts regarding their role in functioning within a pluralistic society. Pluralism is characterised by differences – structural, social or cultural – between groups coexisting within the same polity. This distinction between groups is the key to the formation of a plural society and it is important that a third party mediate this encounter between groups. Hence we enter into an arena where the state becomes functional in managing a pluralistic society. Now, the state can do this only by adopting certain principles that would ultimately uphold the rights of all the communities.

The Vadodara Municipal Corporation’s justification that it was trying to be fair to the religious sentiments of all communities is a weak argument if looked at from within the pluralistic framework. Muslims in Gujarat have certainly not forgotten the injuries inflicted upon the minority community during the state pogrom of 2002. The demolition of the dargâh has only increased their feelings of insecurity, if not relegating them further to the status of second-class citizens of the Indian democracy.

Pluralism warrants a state that acts upon the principle of creating a congenial atmosphere where rights of different groups are not premised upon majority superordination and minority subordination. The idea is to publicly accept and recognise group rights of different communities. It is necessary to ensure that members of the minority community enjoy all those opportunities that the majority population takes for granted. The role of the state in successfully managing religious pluralism does not lie in demolishing historical shrines. Rather it warrants an atmosphere of mutual respect and acceptance – not merely tolerance – between communities and between communities and the state machinery. The state has to play a crucial role in acknowledging and accommodating diverse cultural communities as equal partners within a pluralistic society.

RAMA

TISS, Mumbai

Left Front’s Victory

L
eft Front chairman and state CPI(M) secretary Biman Bose claims that the West Bengal assembly election results falsify the allegation that the Left Front used to win by rigging. But if one compares the voting percentage in favour of CPI(M) in constituencies where it won by 50,000-plus margin, one may not be convinced that rigging was never a part of CPI(M)’s electoral machinery. Take some examples: In Bally, CPI(M)’s polling percentage fell from 72.63 to 59.21 between 2001 and 2006. In Garbeta East and Garbeta West seats, the decline was from 78.24 to 69.81 per cent and from 86.35 to 62.80 per cent, respectively. In Keshpur, in 2001 the CPI(M) candidate got over 90 per cent of votes and won by a margin of 1,08,112 in a straight contest. This time the margin dropped to less

(Continued on p 2500)

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Economic and Political Weekly June 17, 2006

Lattars

(Continued from p 2398)

than 60,000 if we add votes of the All-India Trinamool Congress (AITC) and Congress together. At Titagarh, a labour-dominated constituency, the CPI(M) won by 16,246 votes in 2001 with a comfortable 55.42 per cent of votes. In 2006, the percentage dropped to 43 and the LF nominees scraped through by a margin of less than 850 votes. The AITC percentage rose from 38.59 to

41.92 while the Congress got 10.28 per cent. Similarly in Belgachhia West, the LF candidate and a CITU heavyweight, Rajdeo Goala, who in 2001 won by a margin of 21,602 votes, was defeated this time by an AITC nominee by a difference of less than 600 votes.

The most interesting reversal was the defeat of the labour minister of the seventh LF government, Mohd Amin, a CPI(M) central committee member, at Garden Reach constituency. In 1996, the CPI(M) defeated the Congress by 14,168 votes – the difference in Diamond Harbour Lok Sabha seat in the same assembly segment was 16,654. Thereafter, the margins in the Lok Sabha seat between the CPI(M) and Congress-Trinamool Congress together increased: 27,438 in 1998, 29,895 in 1999, 31,924 in 2001 and 39,298 in 2004. In 2006, the Congress wrested the assembly seat back from the CPI(M) by a margin of 8,874 votes, that too after a reduction of anti-LF votes by the Trinamool Congress whose nominee got 11,077 votes. As I know the area personally and visited the spot during the polling day in 1999 and 2001, I can say that the CPI(M) could not have recorded such huge margins but for allying with communal forces in the area.

The CPI(M) not only used rigging in many constituencies but compromised with communal rioters. GPD who wrote (EPW, May 20, 2006) “So much is made of the alleged rigging in the West Bengal elections that we thought it strange that these people do not refer to the doubtful character of the Bush presidency as a comparative foil” is unaware of the ground reality.

SIDDHARTHA GHOSH DASTIDAR

Kolkata

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