ISSN (Print) - 0012-9976 | ISSN (Online) - 2349-8846

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NAXALITES-Prisoners and Patron Saints

monstration of their frustration and disillusionment with Indira Gandhi's party and government". The bulk of about five lakh voters of Banka had used the by-election as an opportunity to express their resentment against the growing economic problem in general and in particular, against the government's decision to reimpose rent on uneconomic holdings, against the takeover of the wholesale trade in grain which had paradoxically hit the petty retail traders most, and, last but not the least, against the unattractive procurement prices offered by the government following the take-over. Though Femandes did not say so in that many words, his party derived maximum benefit from the last mentioned issue. Soon after returning from Banka, Fernandes issued a statement in Patna demanding the raising of procurement prices of wheat from Rs 71-76 to Rs 100 per quintal. The explanation given was that the biggest hit were the small and middle peasants due to the higher cost of production inclined by them. Now the Socialist Marty has even passed a resolution in favour of a rise in procurement prices.

KATHMANDU- Buffer Apprehensions

first was effected when the ministry was just a week old, and the second last September. Mahajan's election as the Pradesh Congress's new chief is also aimed at creating a rift among Parmar's opponents. Neither side has gained in strength during the last three months despite the many pulls. But the dissidents are in no mood to accept as final the AlCC General Secretary's categorical statement that the High Command did not contemplate any change in the state's leadership. The 'pilgrimages' to New Delhi have recently become very frequent, in the hope that the sustained pressure on the High Command may help remove Parmar from power. And permission is again being sought to move a no- confidence motion against him within he Congress legislature party.

BANGKOK-The Insurgency Equation

BANGKOK The Insurgency Equation M R THAILAND'S ruling elite is in search of convincing, reasons to make the United States military presence on its soil credible and to prolong the presence indefinitely. In February, when Spiro Agnew and Henry Kissinger visited Bangkok, it tried to psyche them into believing that the Chinese were directly participating in the communist insurgency, besides stepping up military aid to it, and that the problem had taken on a new dimension with the end of the Vietnam fighting. The visitors were left unimpressed because the United States has better reasons than countering countries communist insurgency for its military presence here.

BANGKOK-The Falling Domino

The Provisional Revolutionary Government of South Vietnam is far from arrogant about these victories. In a communique it released on January 18, it said the immediate task of the South Vietnamese people is to strengthen further and broaden the National United Front by following the policy of "national concord". This, the communique stated, means that the National Liberation Front will show humanity and treat leniently those who were bitterly opposed to it and had even betrayed the national struggle. It described them as people who had strayed from the right path but who now sincerely wished to redeem their past.

BANGKOK-Student Power

resources. Thus, it is not a question of the state government refusing to meet the requirements of its employees but of whether Kerala is to develop and whether some sections of the working people are to be allowed entry into the development process. The NGOs know better than anybody the motivations and intentions of this Ministry. They are also well aware of the opinion of the masses of the people about them. It is obviously time for them to reconsider their decision. There are enough ON the surface, the prospect of an end to the Vietnam war does not seem to bother Thailand. It's business as usual in Bangkok and in its swingingest nightspots. There are more United States ground troops in Thailand now than ever before. When peace comes and the United States is obliged to pull out its ground forces, the command headquarters will shift from Saigon to Nakon Phanom on the Mekong River which separates Thailand from Laos. Nakon Phanom will be as close to Indo-China as possible, without being located in the war zone. The command headquarters now known as Military Assistance Command, Vietnam (MACV), will change its name to Military Assistance Command, South-East Asia (MACSEA), when the headquarters shifts to Nakhon Phanom. Also, the United States Seventh Force will shift to Nakhon Phanom and will continue to have planes at its six Thai bases and retain its name and duties. Thus any future war in Indo-China will be waged by the United States from Thai soil.

TAMIL NADU-Congress Dilemma

commission of inquiry into the charges of corruption against the Karunanidhi ministry and meantime, an alternative government by Karunanidhi's party but excluding him and the members of his present Cabinet

CPI (M) How Equidistant

November 18, 1972 unmarketable commodities as cheap coarse cloth and kerosene stoves which do not blow up when they are hard pressed. After all, the Indian must be taught to look beyond coarse cloth and kerosene stoves. He may not be able to afford more than coarse cloth or even THE visit of a two member high-level CPI delegation to Cuba last month on an official invitation from the host country's communist party could not have added to the joy of the CPI(M) leadership. The CPI(M) had regarded itself a member of the "third bloc" in the international communist movement, unaligned to Moscow or Peking. It had tried to maintain a position of equidistance between Moscow and Peking. Others in the third bloc are the communist parties of North Vietnam, North Korea, Rumania and Cuba. CPI(M) delegations have visited Rumania, North Korea, and Cuba. Its leaders have been to the German Democratic Republic for medical attention. But they have been welcome in Moscow only as transit passengers and unofficial guests of the Soviet party for the transit period.

NAXALITES-Peking s Year of Silence

November 4, 1972 the inclusion of the Nepali language In the 8th Schedule of the Constitution cuts across party lines, the serious disturbances in the Prime Minister's meeting, destruction of the welcome arches in her honour and a bandh during her presence in the town, probably unprecedented anywhere in the country during the entire period of her stewardship, not only reveal the depth of the hill people's involvement in the language agitation, but also, at least to an extent, the weakening of the Indira spell, the most important prop of Congress rule today. While attempts have been made to castigate CPI(M) and also some unnamed foreign agenciesfor these disturbances, they have nonetheless had a sobering effect on the Congress. The attempts at placating the hill people

TAMIL NADU- A Splinter Does Not Make a Split

on the boards of joint sector enterprises to represent the government (but not necessarily the 'wider public') as a large shareholder. What is described as 'day- to-day' management

CPI- Sop to Hardliners

September 18, 1972 CPI Sop to Hardliners WHAT appears to be a toughening of the CPI's attitude to Indira Gandhi and the Congress lends itself to a good many facile explanations. One of them links it with the June visit of the high- powered party delegation to Moscow. Another attributes it to an apprehension inside the CPI that Indira Gandhi might go the Sadat way to checkmate the growing Soviet influence in the subcontinent. What, however, sounds more plausible is the assumption that the CPI, sensing the return and the growth of the mood of anti-Congressism which reached its climax at the 1967 elections and receded thereafter, is new overcome by a crisis of identity.

CPI(M) s Defensive Posture

CPI(M)'s Defensive Posture M R AT its ninth congress at Madurai, the Communist Party of India (Marxist) tried to appear in the role of the unifier of the international communist movement and an independent political force with renewed faith in parliamentary democracy at home. On the whole the party has sought to project for itself an image of anti-revisionism sans Maoism on ideological issues and of a force combining parliamentary functioning with mass action leaving the onus for peaceful transition on the class enemy.


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