ISSN (Print) - 0012-9976 | ISSN (Online) - 2349-8846

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India–China and the Emerging Global South

The global South is discontented and aims to exert its influence in reshaping global politics and finance. China and India emerge as the primary contenders for leadership in the developing and underdeveloped world. While India seeks to reform the post-war order, China endeavours to revolutionise it. India’s approach may not be fundamentally opposed to the West, as its efforts are focused on discouraging poorer nations from being lured by Chinese financial incentives. The Western powers are apprehensive about the prospect of the postcolonial developing world uniting, especially under Russian and Chinese influence. They aim to counteract such unity, ensuring that it remains fragmented.

Germany in Central Asia

The Ukraine crisis has solidified the Sino-Russian geopolitical alliance. Growing relations between the two will only cement their grip on the Central Asian Republics, pushing Western political and economic engagement with the region to the margins. Germany is taking on more responsibilities in Central Asia, in part to counteract Russia and China’s influence in the region. In addition, in view of the growing transcontinental linkages, it intends to strengthen its position in the newly formed trade and transportation macro region, which runs from the Baltic Sea to the Indian Ocean and from Eastern Europe to Central and East Asia.

The Eurasian Economic Union and India

The Eurasian Economic Union has great potential to integrate the economies of India, Central Asian countries, the Rus­sian Federation, and China. In the present circumstances, with realigned trade flows post the Ukraine crisis, it is in India’s interest to actively participate in the de­velopment of both the
Interna­tional North–South Transport Corridor and the Northern Sea Route.

The Land–Sea Conundrum

The world is reorienting away from its fixation with exclusive reliance on sea lanes of communication, as the fulcrum of international trade and politics, and its embrace of modern connectivity imperatives. The emerging Eurasian land bridges are now the biggest disrupter of the existing maritime order and impacting the global power shift. The maritime-continental disequilibrium is once again determining the contours of conflicts and contestations in global politics. The new transcontinental linkages and continental value chains are challenging the monopoly of international trade management by Western maritime powers.

German Strategic Autonomy Is Antithetical to American Primacy

Germany’s core strategic interests are at variance with that of the United States. The alliance between the two major transatlantic powers is under severe stress. The war in Ukraine has added an undue burden on the German economy, which is likely to lead to inflation, recession and social unrest. Germany, an emerging hard power, does not intend to let inflation, recession and social unrest derail it from the path of pursuing its foreign policy objectives. In the coming decades, Germany is not likely to sacrifice its economic interests at the altar of liberal international order and this is likely to pose a bigger challenge to German–American ties in the long run.

Party Continues to be Bigger Than Xi

The extension of Xi Jinping’s term indicates that the CPC has chosen “strong continuity” rather than change.

Taiwan and the China–US Relations

Nancy Pelosi’s visit highlights the contradictions of the United States’ arrangement with China over Taiwan.

Ukraine War and the Perils of ‘Self-determination’

The right of “self-determination of the people” is a double-edged sword. It has been used by postcolonial nations to reclaim their territories and economy. The idea has also been exploited by the powerful countries to divide the world on ethnic and religious lines to advance their hegemony through humanitarian interventions.

Who Controls the Levers of the India–US Relations?

The perception that India was disinterested in the United States and acted difficult with the superpower dominates the analysis of India’s foreign policy over the past 75 years. Such broad conclusions are drawn without assessing the US policy vis-à-vis India.

The Geopolitics of the Democracy Summit

Strategic projection of democratic credentials appears to be driven by the urge to reassert US hegemonic interests.

 

Is AUKUS is driven by strategic concerns or entrenched interest of military industrial complex?

AUKUS—the new trilateral security arrangement between the United States, Australia, and the United Kingdom has increased the chances of a split in the transatlantic alliance by making a clear distinction between the roles of the maritime and continental spheres. The military pact has reduced the military role of Quad in the Indo–Pacific. A ruptured West and a weak Quad are likely to make China and Russia happy.

 

The Second Wave of Death and Disaster

India’s overzealousness to launch its vaccine diplomacy programme was preposterous. The crisis manager in the ministry of external affairs may run from pillar to post to procure vaccines but that cannot repair the damage their policies have had on the country. India despite being called the pharmacy of the world has failed to deliver the much-needed doses to its own population. It is time that we paused and introspected as the excessive securitisation of our foreign policy and its obsession with China will only lead to spending more on defence when we actually need to focus on economic and health sectors.

 

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