The gender budget aims to close the gender gaps and empower women by recognising their capacity to overcome obstacles. The main purpose of this article is to evaluate the allocations made under various heads of departments and ministries in the current gender budget of 2023–24 and their comparison with the previous allocations. The article examines the shortcomings in the allocation and also evaluates the usefulness of gender budgeting as a technique for reducing the gender gaps. In order to make it an effective tool, the allocation of the budget must be diversifi ed so that it has a wider outreach and impact. Instead of allocating ample funds to a single scheme or department, equitable distribution and priority sectors must be taken more into consideration.
The gender budget aims to close the gender gaps and empower women by recognising their capacity to overcome obstacles. The main purpose of this article is to evaluate the allocations made under various heads of departments and ministries in the current gender budget of 2023–24 and their comparison with the previous allocations. The article examines the shortcomings in the allocation and also evaluates the usefulness of gender budgeting as a technique for reducing the gender gaps. In order to make it an effective tool, the allocation of the budget must be diversifi ed so that it has a wider outreach and impact. Instead of allocating ample funds to a single scheme or department, equitable distribution and priority sectors must be taken more into consideration.
Despite decades of promise for reforms by the government, India’s education system still remains in a poor state. Using District Primary Education Programme data, the progress, or lack thereof, in achieving the targets of the Right of Children to Free and Compulsory Education Act is assessed. While there has been some progress, such as construction of toilets and ramps in schools, for many indicators, little or no progress was seen in more than a decade since the enactment of the RTE Act in 2009. While the data analysed here precede the COVID-19 pandemic, there is no doubt that improving the delivery of education has become even more urgent after months of school closure.
Despite decades of promise for reforms by the government, India’s education system still remains in a poor state. Using District Primary Education Programme data, the progress, or lack thereof, in achieving the targets of the Right of Children to Free and Compulsory Education Act is assessed. While there has been some progress, such as construction of toilets and ramps in schools, for many indicators, little or no progress was seen in more than a decade since the enactment of the RTE Act in 2009. While the data analysed here precede the COVID-19 pandemic, there is no doubt that improving the delivery of education has become even more urgent after months of school closure.
Over the last two decades, India’s participation in global value chains and international production networks have improved, but the domestic value added embodied in gross exports has exhibited a fluctuating trend. In 2020, India launched the “Atmanirbhar Bharat Abhiyan,” where enhancement of the DVA content of exports can be considered as an underlying objective. The impact of various factors of production and other drivers on India’s DVA content in select manufacturing exports have been identified in this paper with help of trade in value added data for 2000–18. The empirical results indicate that the focus on export and FDI promotion policies by itself will not lead to either self-reliance or address employment worries in India. A coordinated effort towards labour skill augmentation along with technology transfer will be instrumental in this regard.
Over the last two decades, India’s participation in global value chains and international production networks have improved, but the domestic value added embodied in gross exports has exhibited a fluctuating trend. In 2020, India launched the “Atmanirbhar Bharat Abhiyan,” where enhancement of the DVA content of exports can be considered as an underlying objective. The impact of various factors of production and other drivers on India’s DVA content in select manufacturing exports have been identified in this paper with help of trade in value added data for 2000–18. The empirical results indicate that the focus on export and FDI promotion policies by itself will not lead to either self-reliance or address employment worries in India. A coordinated effort towards labour skill augmentation along with technology transfer will be instrumental in this regard.
Over the last two decades, India’s participation in global value chains and international production networks have improved, but the domestic value added embodied in gross exports has exhibited a fluctuating trend. In 2020, India launched the “Atmanirbhar Bharat Abhiyan,” where enhancement of the DVA content of exports can be considered as an underlying objective. The impact of various factors of production and other drivers on India’s DVA content in select manufacturing exports have been identified in this paper with help of trade in value added data for 2000–18. The empirical results indicate that the focus on export and FDI promotion policies by itself will not lead to either self-reliance or address employment worries in India. A coordinated effort towards labour skill augmentation along with technology transfer will be instrumental in this regard.
The hike in the prices of petroleum products in India post 2014, primarily due to higher petroleum taxes, is examined. Household consumption expenditure data collected from the India Human Development Survey (2011–12) is analysed using the input–output framework to understand both the direct and indirect effects of rising prices of petroleum products. Results indicate that petroleum taxes are highly regressive, especially at the bottom two consumption expenditure deciles, as raising prices of petroleum products increases the overall cost of living. Results also reveal that households in the middle- and upper-income groups have the similar burden of rising petroleum prices, indicating that tax is not progressive.
The hike in the prices of petroleum products in India post 2014, primarily due to higher petroleum taxes, is examined. Household consumption expenditure data collected from the India Human Development Survey (2011–12) is analysed using the input–output framework to understand both the direct and indirect effects of rising prices of petroleum products. Results indicate that petroleum taxes are highly regressive, especially at the bottom two consumption expenditure deciles, as raising prices of petroleum products increases the overall cost of living. Results also reveal that households in the middle- and upper-income groups have the similar burden of rising petroleum prices, indicating that tax is not progressive.
Assam witnessed an unprecedented social media protest in the mid-2020 for the protection of the Dehing Patkai rainforest located in the eastern part of the state. This green movement was centred on the issue of legitimising illegal coal mining in the rainforest by the National Board for Wildlife during the nationwide lockdown. Tracing the journey of the national park, the present article argues that the controversy reflects the contradiction between the metropolitan and indigenous version of ecological nationalism. The latter, though instrumental for mass mobilisation in environmental movements, does not occupy adequate space in the electoral politics.
Assam witnessed an unprecedented social media protest in the mid-2020 for the protection of the Dehing Patkai rainforest located in the eastern part of the state. This green movement was centred on the issue of legitimising illegal coal mining in the rainforest by the National Board for Wildlife during the nationwide lockdown. Tracing the journey of the national park, the present article argues that the controversy reflects the contradiction between the metropolitan and indigenous version of ecological nationalism. The latter, though instrumental for mass mobilisation in environmental movements, does not occupy adequate space in the electoral politics.
Rights-based welfare legislation, even if passed by the union government, needs implementation at the state level. State governments are not passive implementation agencies and have sometimes stymied the effective implementation of such laws. Three recent examples show the need to better imagine social welfare laws within the context of a federal framework to ensure effective implementation.
Thumb Printed: Champaran Peasants Speak to Gandhi,Vol 1, edited by Shahid Amin, Tridip Suhrud and Megha Todi, jointly published by National Archives of India, New Delhi and Navajivan Trust, Ahmedabad, 2022; pp 307, `500.
Advanced artificial intelligence chatbots like ChatGPT have unprecedented capabilities to provide detailed and well-articulated answers to most of the questions. With technological advancement, its capabilities have increased manifold, makes it very popular among students.
